Analysis for "Religion and National Identity in Saudi Arabia"

     In the article “Religion and National Identity in Saudi Arabia”, Joseph Nevo analyzes the Saudi royal family’s use of religion to legitimize their existence in the country they have ruled over for so long. He argues that the royal family has used the religion of Islam to create a national identity for Saudis: to practice Islam and be loyal to the House of Saud. The government has established that practicing Islam is the defining factor of all Saudis. Nevo specifically makes the strong argument that the royal family has used Islam for its benefit, since Wahabism, the dominant sect of Islam practiced in Saudi Arabia, emphasizes the idea that religion and state are linked.

            The Saudi government utilizes Islamic principles to its core to demonstrate to the people that their faith is the dominant factor of their country. As Nevo points out “The Saudi constitution is the Quran, and the shari’a is the source of its laws” (2). By avoiding the Western idea of separation of church and state, the Saudi royal family goes the roots of Islam to make sure that every citizen experiences it in their everyday life. Every rule and the way they conduct themselves goes back to their religion. In addition, Saudi public schools place a great emphasis on studying Islam. The author describes, “About a third of the elementary schools’ curriculum is religious studies, and together with Arabic they make up more than half the curriculum” (2). The Saudi government instills the identity of being Muslim in children from the moment they start to learn and comprehend. Although they make sure Islam is at the foundation of all the people, the government goes one step further to make them understand the necessity of being loyal to the ruling dynasty.

            Perhaps Nevo’s most eye-raising claim is that the royal family manipulates and uses the muftis, distinguished scholars of Islam, for legitimizing their own rule. However, when thought about, this idea does not seem surprising after all. The muftis are greatly respected by the Saudi kings and the rest of the family but mostly only if they give fatwas (legal opinions) for their betterment. Nevo states, “The ruling house let them exercise power and responsibility in many domains as long as they interpreted and construed Islamic tradition in a way that would serve the interests of the royal family and glorify its image” (5). Even though what the muftis declare may not be in accordance with the correct teaching of Islam, they still agree to say anything for the royal family since they earn more respect and take pleasure in climbing up the social ladder.

            The unification of Islam and the royal family is something that the government wants the people of Saudi Arabia to embrace as their national identity. The two crossed swords on the Saudi flag symbolize “the bond between the House of Saud and Islam” (9). The idea of the intertwinement of religion and state is the primary thought the government desires for its people to have. Nevo concludes with the thought that anything that could put the Saudi regime in danger is also a threat to Islam. Through his argument, Nevo is able to persuade the reader that through religion a royal dynasty is able to maintain its power.